His active espousal of federalism, in direct opposition to the unitary one-party state envisioned by the ANC, is also investigated. Finally the book chronicles Buthelezi's service in the Government of National Unity and the reasons why Presidents Nelson Mandela and Thabo Mbeki entrusted him with running the State more than twenty times over a five year period.
Through writing this book, the author has come face to face with the unique character of Buthelezi, from his remarkable leadership skills to his workaholic tendencies. Buthelezi's undeniable integrity, loyalty, faith and wisdom have influenced the making of his legacy, which has somehow married liberal values with ubuntu botho - a form of African humanism.
This book describes the journey. Themba Nzimande holds a degree in political science and public management.
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He has been involved in the politics of the Inkatha Freedom Party since its inception in and has served on its Central Committee. Toon meer Toon minder. Overige kenmerken Extra groot lettertype Nee. Reviews Schrijf een review.
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It explores his influential role at the negotiating table at CODESA and reflects on why his vision and commitment could not be ignored by his opponents. His active espousal of federalism, in direct opposition to the unitary one-party state envisioned by the ANC, is also investigated.
Finally the book chronicles Buthelezis service in the Government of National Unity and the reasons why Presidents Nelson Mandela and Thabo Mbeki entrusted him with running the State more than twenty times over a five year period. Through writing this book, the author has come face to face with the unique character of Buthelezi, from his remarkable leadership skills to his workaholic tendencies. Buthelezis undeniable integrity, loyalty, faith and wisdom have influenced the making of his legacy, which has somehow married liberal values with ubuntu botho - a form of African humanism.
This book describes the journey. Themba Nzimande holds a degree in political science and public management. He has been involved in the politics of the Inkatha Freedom Party since its inception in and has served on its Central Committee. A Rumour of Spring. A History of South Africa: Selected Speeches and Writings of Nelson Mandela: The End of Apartheid in South Africa. The Words of Nelson Mandela. Who Rules South Africa? A History from the Pre-colonial Period to A Concise History of South Africa.
The Making of Modern South Africa.
What can I do to prevent this in the future?
A Very Short Introduction. A History of Zimbabwe. Old Treacheries and New Deceits. Rediscovering the Hidden World. South Africa - The Present as History. Glimpses Of A Global Life. Liberation Movements in Power. South Africa - From Apartheid to democracy. You know that our Party has been engaged for several months in promoting the Roadmap strategy prepared by our former Secretary-General to assist me to make this decision. We have done that simultaneously with an audit of all our branches, for we discovered that not all the "Friends of VZ" defected to the NFP and some bogus branches remained.
Not only that, but we found that some membership booklets had disappeared along with our defected members, who were now signing up bad-faith branches to send bad-faith delegates to Conference. The old plan was still afoot to disrupt this Conference; this time to foist on us leaders with whom I would find it difficult to work if I agreed to oversee the transition. Our opponents hope that even if I agree to continue, I will resign in frustration, leaving the Party under pliable leaders that can easily be manipulated from outside our Party.
We saw, as we presented the Roadmap strategy to our various districts, that there was general support for the Roadmap and recognition across the board that this is the blueprint for our strengthened future. But, to my great disappointment, the District of Zululand emerged as the only voice of dissent. National Council engaged these leaders, even postponing conference yet again, to give them time to properly discuss matters with their constituents. I regret to report that it became evident that a slate was being used to disrupt the Roadmap strategy and to foist a different leadership on the IFP.
I was surprised to see Mr Dladla's name come up again and again for the position of National Chairperson, when Mr Dladla had publically withdrawn from the Party earlier this year to attend to his business interests. Mr Dladla became quite concerned when he heard his name was on this slate, and he spoke to Mr Gwala, Ms kaMadlopha-Mthethwa and myself expressing his bitterness that his name should be used to divide the Party.
Mr Albert Mncwango and Mr Khawula, whose names were also put forward on the slate, have both expressed resentment that they were not approached in advance, and both of them have publically said they will not stand for nomination. But some people have sown great confusion among our supporters, telling them that the National Chairperson automatically becomes the President of the Party if anything happens to the President.
That is simply not true. We are a democratic organisation and the question of leadership will always go to a vote, as required by our Constitution. Based on the will of our Party, we have embraced the amendment of our Constitution to include the position of Deputy President. That too should allay any concerns and clear up any confusion. There should, indeed, be no reason to oppose the Roadmap strategy or to reject the names put forward by National Council for leadership positions, other than the nefarious desire to play into the hands of our enemies. I have embraced the Roadmap strategy as the right extraordinary measure to bring us through such extraordinary times.
I therefore consider the leadership proposed by National Council as part of a package. I would like to retire. But I will accept the request of National Council that I remain to oversee the leadership transition, if I am enabled to work with these people. I do not see the point of swimming against a tide that we can stop right here, right now. But I am willing to swim if I am swimming with a likeminded team. Friends, we have enough opposition without opposing ourselves from within. The IFP carries a heavy responsibility as we leave this Conference to fulfil our role as the voice of reason in a turbulent time.
We must leave this place united, with one vision, one voice and one shared purpose. The IFP has an important role to play. Don't be fooled into thinking that the IFP is wavering or indecisive. We are not alone in facing troubles in the present political landscape.
In fact, we are not even alone in having postponed conference for so long. Due to its fierce internal battles, the ANC was forced to postpone conference in this province several times, the NFP did it too, and the DA is having to do it with their Youth, who are struggling to choose leaders at branch level.
Clearly things are changing in the political landscape of our country. There are some things that never change, like the ANC bussing people into wards in which they do not live to vote in by-elections. Those sorts of shenanigans have been going on in very election since , and the IFP has repeatedly approached the IEC urging investigation and redress. Little has come of our complaints. But there are other aspects of politics that are changing rapidly, for the worse.
Personal enrichment has become the order of the day. In the midst of all the tenderpreneurship and self-enrichment, corruption is gaining pace in South Africa. I have been sounding the alarm on corruption for several years. More than five years ago, I called it a national crisis. But things have only become worse, and corruption has led to political violence.
Analysts explain that poverty and the hope of positions that will open doors to power, and tenders, are driving political killings. In a party as rich as the ANC, there is much at stake when it comes to leadership elections. This new trend in political killings has affected all parties, and the IFP has not gone unscathed. But we have been cushioned by our long-cultivated culture of non-violence, respect for life and discipline.
IFP members and leaders have been lost, but to violence from outside our Party. Today, let us remember the men and women of the IFP who have fallen victim to political conflict. These lives cannot be restored by any amount of tears. We remember today our slain victims, and all those who have paid a heavy price for supporting the IFP in the face of our enemies. There are many others whom we remember today, and we salute them again. We cannot forget more than IFP leaders who were killed during the people's war and thousands of our members who perished in that war of attrition.
Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi calls for National Convention
We continue their work as we strengthen the IFP to fight against corruption, unemployment, poverty, disease, crime, poor service delivery, poor leadership and under-development. For years the ANC has claimed to be the representatives of South Africa's oppressed and struggling people.
But after eighteen years of democracy, with all the money of the State available to them, the ANC has done far too little, far too slowly, to assist the people they claim to serve. Some analysts have pointed out that the ANC has a vested interest in keeping the poor poor, uneducated and dependent, for this is their voting block. If that is true, it is a despicable truth, for our people are suffering terribly. The aim of the IFP has always been to uplift.
We have helped people to rise out of their circumstances, through education, partnership and shared efforts. It can be done. So why is the ANC not doing it? Wherever I go, I listen to people and I hear their hearts' cry. I have heard disappointed ANC supporters calling the ANC "cruel" when it appears just before an election, and disappears just as quickly. I have heard rural communities cry that they cannot go to the city and pull electricity back to their homes, but must just sit and wait for Government. I have heard people ask why in a democracy there are private hospitals for the rich and community clinics for the poor, private schools for the rich and mud schools for the poor, private security for the rich, but only one policeman to protect ordinary South Africans.
People are not fools. Then how can the public be convinced? Why are things acceptable to the ANC leadership that are completely unacceptable to the rest of South Africa? Think how often we all took exception to the rantings of the former ANC Youth League President, Mr Julius Malema, who rammed the nationalisation of mines down our throats and scared away international investors, while the country's President did nothing to contradict him. Mr Malema insulted everyone, from the leaders of the opposition, to white South Africans, to big business, banks, industry, the international media and even Government Ministers.
But the leadership of the ANC said nothing. Ahead of the elections, Mr Malema brazenly threatened to invade my home at KwaPhindangene and recruit my wife and children to the ANC. The ANC leadership said nothing. Malema called me a factory fault of the ANC, and the leadership said nothing. But when Malema made the mistake of insulting Mr Zuma, it was all over for him, and he is now being investigated for fraud and corruption.
Themba Nzimande (Author of The Legacy of Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi )
Nevertheless, the nationalisation of South Arica's mines is still on the agenda of the Mangaung conference that begins tomorrow. Why is the ANC still discussing this issue when it insisted this is not Government policy? If it becomes ANC policy, it will become Government policy, whether we like it or not, whether it is good for the country or not. It's not about the good of the country anymore. It's about the pockets of a few at the top. We have all judged for ourselves how we feel about our taxpayers' money being lavished on President Zuma's house in Nkandla just as his term is drawing to an end.
Hundreds of millions have been spent on so-called improvements, like a helipad and security fences. Of course when the DA announced it would visit Nkandla to inspect these improvements and see for itself how the President is spending our money, the ANC was up in arms about it.
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It was fine for Malema to invade my private home, but not okay for the DA to visit Nkandla to exercise its oversight role as the largest opposition Party. There is a growing sense that the ANC has something to hide. Across the spectrum of civil society, industry, the academia, the media, the religious community, traditional leaders and political parties, the Secrecy Bill has been vehemently rejected. Yet the ANC has ignored the dictates of democracy and is set to introduce legislation that the whole of the country has rejected.
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On the impetus of fighting the Secrecy Bill, all opposition parties represented in Parliament have come together in a Multi-Party Opposition Forum. We came together to hold joint rallies, demanding that the voice of the people be heard and respected when it comes to the Secrecy Bill, and all other issues of governance.
Put in its simplest form, the Secrecy Bill is a way for the ANC-led Government to silence media reports on corruption, so that corrupt leaders can get away with whatever they want without having to worry about the spotlight of public scrutiny.